Friday, September 16, 2011

Save Troy Davis' life

No physical evidence. 7 of 9 witnesses changed their story. There's #toomuchdoubt to execute #TroyDavis: http://bit.ly/dKe19X @colorofchange

The state of Georgia plans to put Troy Davis to death on September 21. The case against him consisted of witness testimony that was full of inconsistencies. Since then, all but two of the state’s non-police witnesses from the trial have recanted their testimony — and many have sworn in affidavits that police pressured or coerced them into testifying or signing statements.

There is still serious doubt as to Troy Davis’ guilt, and by putting him to death Georgia runs the risk of killing an innocent man. Please call on Board of Pardons and Parole to save Troy Davis’ life. And please share this information with others. Troy Davis needs as many of us as possible to speak up.

Sunday, September 11, 2011

My freedom is not for sale!

Miloud L. Cherif calls for the Abolition of Movement Restriction for Refugees in Germany

The Movement Restriction for Refugees in Germany (Residenzpflicht) is a means or opression by the German state against any effective attempt of refugees to make a stand for their rights and to get organised. The case of Miloud Cherif is the best example on how this law, most of the Germans still do not even know that it is existing, prevents refugees from meeting each other and from geting in touch with human rights organisations.
But Miloud at the same time shows to all the refugees on how to confront the oppression - by civil desobediance:

Miloud Cherif Speaks on Residenzpflicht during Felix Otto rememberance in Jena
Miloud Cherif Speaks on Residenzpflicht during Felix Otto rememberance in Jena

Declaration of Miloud L. Cherif against „Residenzpflicht“ - My freedom is not for sale

I wonder why a refugee should pay any amount of money if he left the place he lives in Germany, except the transport expanses.

On the 20.11.2010 I left to attend the nationwide caravan meeting in Berlin, and I've been stopped in Erfurt Hbf because I had no permission to leave my landkreis Schmalkalden-Meiningen in Thueringen and the police obliged me to go back to Zella-Mehlis (My heim – Refugee Isolation Camp).

Months later, and on the same day (24.03.2011) we made the demonstration in Meiningen for the closure of Zella Mehlis lager (The heim I live in), on the same, I received the letter telling me that I have to pay 58,50€ for ''breaking the law'' by being in Erfurt Hbf without permission.

I received many more letters since then, the last letters telling me to pay or to go to the jail in case I refused to pay the fine.

I refused to pay the fine, and I still refuse to pay, and I'll never ever pay the fine, because my freedom is not for sale.

I have been calling and I still call for the abolition of the residentzpflicht for refugees in Germany.

Refugees MUST have the right to move freely in the German territory without any permission or paying for it.

Residenzpflicht (Residential Obligation) was and will be a discriminative and a colonial law, aiming in the first place to ISOLATE the refugee in the same place He/She has been sent to, after submitting HIS/HER asylum file in Germany.

Residenzpflicht is the second tool in German authorities' Arsenal to isolate the refugee after the first which is the location of His/Her lager which in most cases is out of the city, somewhere in the middle on nowhere.

And for that, I call for ALL my brothers and sisters, refugees and non-refugees, to stand beside me, and support me in OUR battle of the justice, it's just another battle in the long war between the good and the evil.

Refugees need solidarity - Refugees want a fair life.

Miloud L. Cherif,
Coordinator of Zella-Mehlis Refugee Community,
Activist and Member of The VOICE Refugee Forum in Germany


Video interview with Miloud L. Cherif on how he fights to Break the Isolation of Refugees in Zella-Mehlis

Miloud L. Cherif fights to Break the Isolation of Refugees in Germany from Zella-Mehlis from The VOICE Refugee Network.

Thursday, August 11, 2011

BBC propaganda accident - Darcus Howe refuses to condemn London Riots


Darcus Howe, a West Indian Writer and Broadcaster with a voice about the riots. Speaking about the mistreatment of youths by police leading to an up-roar and the ignorance of both police and the governement.

Howe was born in Trinidad and Tobago, the son of an Anglican priest. He left Trinidad for London aged 18 to enter the legal profession at Middle Temple, but he swapped the law for journalism. He returned to Trinidad, where his uncle and mentor, radical intellectual CLR James, inspired Howe to combine writing with political activism. A brief spell as assistant editor on the Trinidad trade union paper The Vanguard was followed by return to Britain as editor of British magazine Race Today.

He became a member of the British Black Panther Movement, and in August 1970, following a protest, Howe was arrested and tried for riot, affray and assault. He was acquitted after a trial at the Old Bailey. Later, he was the editor of the magazine Race Today and was imprisoned for three months for assaulting a police officer. The celebration following his release was recalled in the song Man Free by poetLinton Kwesi Johnson. The central lines of the song describe Howe’s legal fight: “I stand up in the court like a mighty lion, I stand up in the court like man of iron, Darcus out of jail, Shabba!”.

Howe organised the 20,000 strong Black People’s March 1981 claiming official neglect and inefficient policing of the investigation of New Cross Fire in which 13 black teenagers died.


Wednesday, July 27, 2011

Kenneth Harding murdered by San Francisco Police officers

Dead over a $2 train fare

Neha Sobti, Nikolai Smith and David Russitano look at the outrage provoked by the shooting death of Kenneth Harding--and the violence of San Francisco police.

San Francisco police train their guns on Kenneth Harding as he bleeds to deathSan Francisco police train their guns on Kenneth Harding as he bleeds to death

ON JULY 16 at 4:44 p.m., 19-year-old Kenneth Harding was shot at as many as 10 times by San Francisco Police Department (SFPD). Bullets pierced his leg and neck, and entered his brain, killing him.

This was the third fatal shooting in the past two months by the SFPD, and the second public transit-related shooting in a span of two weeks.

According to witnesses, police chased Harding from the San Francisco Municipal Railway (Muni) light-rail after he ran away from them for not paying the $2 fare. After Harding was shot, cops surrounded his dying body without offering him medical assistance, as a crowd of angry community members began to gather.

A disturbing video of the event shows an agonizing scene--with many police, guns drawn, threatening bystanders and watching as Harding lay bleeding to death on the ground.

Since the shooting, Harding has been vilified in the corporate media. Most reports focus on his criminal record to try to prove that he was a "bad man"--with the implication that he deserved to die.

Police are trying to shift the blame and conversation away from themselves, but these reports do little to answer the larger questions raised by the recent upsurge of violence by Bay Area police. Why, for example, were armed officers chasing a man for not paying a Muni fee? And why are tax dollars being used to arm, train and fund police to ensure someone pays that $2?

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INCREDIBLY, POLICE now claim that Harding died of a self-inflicted gunshot wound to the head. The San Francisco medical examiner released findings last week that the bullet recovered from Harding's head was from a .380 caliber firearm, while police on the scene were supposedly armed with .40-caliber weapons. The medical examiner also claims to have found gunshot residue on one of Harding's hands, and a .380 caliber bullet was allegedly found in one of Harding's pockets.

If police are to be believed, Harding shot backwards through a crowd at officers while running and somehow also--whether accidentally or intentionally--fatally shot himself in his neck.

As SFGate.com noted, this story has led many in the community to believe that police are covering up a murder in cold blood. In what can only be called an understatement, Police Commander Mike Biel said at a recent press conference that "he understands there may be skepticism about the latest evidence revealed by authorities."

Police claims that Harding was not only armed during the chase, but shot first at officers, are contradicted by the reports of multiple witnesses, who say Harding had no gun. "I just saw shots going forward," resident Henry Taylor told channel 7 ABC News. " I didn't see shots coming backwards."

Additionally, no gun was ever found on or near Harding at the scene. Initially, police claimed to have caught a suspect who supposedly removed the gun from the scene, with San Francisco Police Chief Greg Suhr telling Channel 7: "[W]e believe we have it in custody."

But now the cops' story has changed, and they claim the gun is still missing. Desperate to find a justification for the fatal shooting of the young man, police are now offering a $1,000 reward for the phantom gun.

Police are also making much of Harding's criminal record--announcing publicly that the young man was on parole in connection with charges that he tried to force a 14-year-old girl into prostitution in Seattle, and that he was a person of interest in a shooting in that city that killed one and wounded three others.

But whether or not Harding had a criminal record or was wanted for another crime doesn't justify police chasing him down over a $2 fare and killing him in what many bystanders describe as closer to an execution.

"Regardless of if they found a gun or not, it's the fact they chased him from the T-train over a transfer, and while there's real crime going on," resident Debray Carpenter told ABC News.

Those in the community who experience everyday intimidation from police know that the police lie to cover their tracks. Bayview, the site of Harding's murder and San Francisco's last largely Black community, has the highest poverty rates in the city and an unemployment four times higher than the rest of the city.

Although San Francisco has a civilian review board to supposedly hold violent cops accountable, activists point out that if officers think they will be disciplined, they quit the day before their review board hearing to maintain their pension.

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NOR IS Harding's death the only recent police-involved death. Just 13 days before Harding was killed, Charles Hill, a 45-year-old homeless man, was fatally shot three times by two Bay Area Rapid Transit (BART) police officers moments after the officers responded to a call at the Civic Center Plaza BART station in downtown San Francisco.

The entire incident took only one minute. The media's limited coverage of the killing emphasizes BART and BART police's claims that Hill was intoxicated and wielding a knife and glass bottle. Witnesses, however, claimed that Hill posed no threat and "moved slowly" toward the armed officers, who almost immediately responded with lethal force. The police have refused to release footage of the incident and have not conveyed information of their investigation with the media.

Hill's death came just one week after BART police reached a $1.3 million settlement with the family of Oscar Grant III, who was murdered in the early morning hours of New Year's Day 2009 by BART officer Johannes Mehserle. Mehserle was released from prison this June after spending only 292 days behind bars. The message was clear: shoot and kill an unarmed Black man in the back without provocation, and the system will let you off easy.

The deaths of Harding and Hill also follow the June 7 fatal shooting of a suspected bank robber who allegedly tried to run over SFPD officers with his car, and a June 29 shooting and wounding of a wanted parolee who allegedly shot at the SFPD.

Hill's death also poses larger questions over police action: Why are Bay Area police so quick to shoot? Why didn't BART police utilize any of the non-lethal methods at their disposal before fatally shooting Hill? Why are police and the media emphasizing that Hill was "drunk" and "wielding a bottle" instead of asking why, within a minute of encountering officers, he had been fatally wounded?

This surge of police brutality has sparked anger, pushing community members and activists to the streets in protests, speak outs, and other actions.

On July 16, the day that Harding was shot, there were spontaneous demonstrations in the Bayview and Mission neighborhoods that closed down BART and Muni cars.

A July 20 march in San Francisco called by No Justice No BART, a group formed in the wake of Oscar Grant's killing, saw 150 protesters marching and 46 activists arrested. As the march route passed under a Muni station, a Bank of America window was smashed, and a hammer and flares were thrown at a police station as protesters chanted: "How do you spell murderer? S.F.P.D.!" Protesters carried a large banner that read, "You can't shoot us all!"

As one woman on the demonstration said, "The cops are just trigger-happy. They're trained to shoot young brown and Black men first, and avoid questions later."

That evening, Police Chief Greg Suhr was booed off of the stage by angry residents during a town hall meeting at the Bayview Opera House.

Days earlier, a quickly planned demonstration on July 11 at the BART platform where Charles Hill was murdered had 150 protesters chanting, "No justice! No peace! Disband the BART police!" as they walked in and out of train doors, climbed on trains and successfully shut down three of the busiest downtown San Francisco BART stations for over two hours.

By bringing together diverse community organizations and activists, the recent demonstrations have highlighted the strength in numbers of Californians challenging police violence.

Activists are now planning an August 20 teach-in and protest titled "Freedom from Violence and Police State Terror." Sponsored by the Idriss Stelley Foundation, a San Francisco-based group that works on law enforcement accountability, the protest at San Francisco City Hall is meant to launch a citywide police accountability and transparency movement that can hold police and politicians accountable for the daily violence poor and minority communities are subjected to.

Francois Hughes contributed to this article.

Saturday, July 02, 2011

Ethnic Cleansing of Black Libyans


Rebels, with the help of NATO bombs and missiles, drove out Misrata's Black population

byBlack Star News Editorial

The "rebels" in Misrata in Libya have driven out the entire Black population of the city, according to a chilling story in The Wall Street Journal today under the headline "Libya City Torn by Tribal Feud."

The "rebels" now eye the city of Tawergha, 25 miles away, and vow to cleanse it of all Black people once they seize the city. Isn't this the perfect definition of the term "genocide"?

According to The Journal's article, the "rebels" refer to themselves as "the brigade for purging slaves, black skin." The Journal quotes a rebel commander Ibrahim al-Halbous saying, of Black Libyans, "They should pack up," and that "Tawergha no longer exists, only Mistrata."

You won't read this kind of article in The New York Times, which has become as journalistically corrupt and as compromised as the old PRAVDA, during the Soviet era. This editorial page has been insisting since the beginning of the Libya conflict that the "rebels" embraced racism and used the allegation that Muammar al-Quathafi had employed mercenaries from other African countries as a pretext to massacre Black Libyans.

The evidence of public lynching of Black people are readily available online through simple Google or YouTube searches, even though The New York Times has completely ignored this major story. Does anyone believe that if people of African descent controlled the editorials in The New York Times or even the news pages that such a huge and damning story would be ignored?

If the case were reversed and Black Libyans were committing ethnic cleansing against non-Black Libyans, does anyone believe that the people who now control the editorials or the news pages at The New York Times would ignore such a story? Evidently, it doesn't much bother the sages at The Times that Black Libyans and specifically being targeted for liquidation because of their skin color.

Instead The New York Times is busy, as in a recent editorial boasting of its support for NATO's bombing campaign, which this week alone is reported to have killed 20 civilians. The Times has also ignored Rep. Dennis Kucinich’s call that the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigate NATO commanders on possible war crimes in connection to Libyan civilians killed.

The Times can't write about the ethnic cleansing of Black Libyans and migrants from other African countries because it would diminish the reputation of the "rebels" who the Times have fully embraced, even after the ICC also reported that they too have committed war crimes. Instead, The Times is comfortable with the simplistic narrative: "al-Quathafi bad," and "rebels good," regardless of the fact that The Wall Street Journal also reported that the rebels are being trained by former al-Qaeda leaders who were released from U.S. custody on Guantanamo Bay.

The Times also has totally ignored the African Union (AU) peace plan, which actually calls for a ceasefire, negotiations for a constitution, and democratic elections, all to be monitored by the International community.

So what can one say about the Times for ignoring the ethnic cleansing of Black Libyans by the "rebels" in Mistrata, with the help of NATO? Does this make The New York Times culpable of the ethnic cleansing, since the newspaper not only deliberately ignores the story, but also falsely depicts the "rebels" as Libya's saviors?

Call The New York Times at (212) 556-1234 and ask for the Foreign Desk editor--ask him why his newspaper is not reporting on the ethnic cleansing of Black Libyans.

"Speaking Truth To Empower."

Monday, May 16, 2011

Germany: The despot regime of province authorities

Miloud and Salah denounce the rights abuses by the investigation on the official authorities of Zella-Mehlis Refugee Camp

Foto: A Roma kid seats in fornt of the entrance to protest refugee Lager -
Break the silence in zella-mehlis action day 22.03.11


Action-Day Rally against the refugee Lager camp in Zella-Mehlis on 24.04. at 12.noon, Industriestraße 29

Violation of law and human dignity
An investigation on the actions of Landratsamt Schmalkalden-Meiningen, Thuringia

The despot regime of province authorities

Urlaubsschein : The permission [Urlaubsschein] to leave the Landkreis for a certain time is given out very rarely and selectively. Those who collaborate with the Lager staff and obey any authorities' decision, are in favour. Whereas refugees, who refuse to spy on their comrades and report to the employees, are excluded from any permission.

Firstly, the maximum time being granted to an appplicant for an Urlaubsschein is five days in three months. Secondly, this execution does not in the least correspond with other authorities' practices: The neighbour administration area [Landkreis] of Schmalkalden-Meiningen, which is Suhl, has a completely different and more liberal practice of permitting an Urlaubsschein. It seems that every Landratsamt is ruling its own kingdom and absolutley randomly treating refugees who face the "Jungle Law" .

Housing : The same logic is applied in the field of permitting indiviual housing: Many refugees would have the right to live in a separate flat because of sickness for example. None of them got it. On the other side, there is an inhabitant – friend with the Lager staff – who has his particular flat. All this despite the fact, that the caretaker [Hausmeister] himself confirmed to me the rule of average four single men sharing a flat while pushing me and my wife to share a flat with another woman.

Last year, one kitchen needed to be fixed. It took the workers in the
Lager three months to fix it - a work that could to be done in just a few days. All
refugees of that floor had to go to other floors for cooking throughout the three months.

Taschengeld : Talking about pocket money [Taschengeld], it's identical: Totally dependent on the refugee demanding it or the daily mood, it is given or not. No transparence at all within that Landratsamt.

Intenionally creating sufferance

Any time, a refugee expresses his anger about the conditions, the Lager employees answer the same famous sentence: "Refugees live from the taxes paid by German workers" and "refugees live better than many Germans." **

Gutschein : It is known, that Germany actually permits anyone passing the 4-years line (formerly three) of receiving voucher [Gutschein] to get cash money. In fact, this is disrespected here in the sphere of Landratsamt Meiningen, where anything is possible. There are refugees, that spend ten or twelve years getting only Gutschein. Only when receiving the residence permit, the Gutschein procedure stops.

In the past was another was applied: It was by chipcart,
In those times, the refugee got paid 31.70 every week, which means for times per month. In case, the money was not consumed within that week, it automatically disappeared from the card. The refugee only took note of this, when he ended up at the cash desk in the supermarket. Anytime there was a problem with the chipcard, the refugee had to go to Meiningen, which costs 11.40 by bus – despite that he actually doesn't have the right to get Taschengeld.

Until 2008, the Landratsamt only made shopping in the TOOM market and the CASA N=4 possible, where especially TOOM is more expensive than the other supermarkets.

Medical care : Refugees with health issues are dependent on the permission to go to a doctor instead of deciding this self-determined. Often enoguh, it is denied from the beginning. But in case, a doctor is seen and medicine needs to be bought, the refugees often are asked to cover the costs themselves. Even though, many don't even have the right to possess cash money.

This work been done by Miloud and Salah, a former resident of this lager
for 9 years.

The investigation is going on, more to come in the next reports.

Miloud L Cherif

The VOICE Refugee Forum - Coummunity in Zella-Mehlis

English:
Refugee Community in Zella-Mehlis demand for the right to live a free life in Germany
http://thevoiceforum.org/node/2039
We are Abused, Insulted, Our Privacy and Freedom are taking away from US
http://thevoiceforum.org/node?page=1

Gemeinsam gegen Isolation und Repression – der Solidaritäts- und Aktionstag vom 22.3.2011 in Zella-Mehlis > http://thevoiceforum.org/node/2052
Lager Zella-Mehlis schließen – Die rassistische Isolation der Flüchtlinge durchbrechen
http://thevoiceforum.org/node/2033
„Das Lager muss weg ! “ - Lautstarke Demonstration von Flüchtlingen und UnterstützerInnen in Meiningen am 24.3.2011 > http://thevoiceforum.org/node/2058

Wednesday, May 04, 2011

Report on Jena Refugee Conference and Zella-Mehlis Lager Protest

We will Break the Isolation from the Lagers!
Refugee Conference in Jena and Action-day in Zella-Mehlis 22-24.04.2011
Report in German:
Stellungnahme und Video-Bericht von der VOICE-Konferenz in Jena und der Kundgebung in Zella-Mehlis
thevoiceforum.org/​node/​2110